PHOTO ESSAY: National Museum glimpses how India is inherited through ages

        Museum is a reflection of civilisation, which is dedicated to display and preserve the culturally significant objects. It is a place of exhibition how a country is inherited through ages. 

       India has been rich in preserving its history through museums and other means. Its origin goes back to the late 18th century, although references to ‘chitrasala’ (picture gallery) can be found in ancient Indian literature. The country has the presence of more than 1200 museums. 

View of the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (Photo by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

         Founded in 1949 and situated in Delhi, the National Museum has been bragging to the visitors about artefacts and precious objects that cover more than 5,000 years of Indian cultural heritage.

         Designed by Ganesh Bikaji Deolalikar, the entry gate of the museum has been a focal point of photography for visitors. It gives a stunning look with a cemented shed, three large entry gates and engraved ‘national museum’ on both sides. 

Me at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024.

        As one enters the main gate of the museum, it is witnessed the sculpture and script of Indus Valley civilisation on its left side, that leads through the cultures of Buddhism, Kushan, Gupta, Chola, Sangam, Deccan, Sultanate, Mughal and British period to modern age. 

City gate with a drain: Harappa, left, and Dayaram Sahni who excavated the city. (Pic by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

         The artefacts which are kept here confer the story of Indian cultures, which show the glory of Indian civilisation. 

Let take a look at artefacts and precious objects kept at the National Museum 

Jewel studded chair of king of Banaras at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan. 31, 2023. (Pic by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

An ivory home shrine at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan. 31, 2024. (Pic by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

Mughal period paintings at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (Photo by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

A painting of the medieval period at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

‘Chaupar’, a game played for entertainment, is kept at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. Its origin is untraceable. During the Mahabharat period, it was being played for entertainment but a deceitful play by Kaurava against Pandava gave birth to a war and dragged both of them to the battlefield of Kurukshetra. (Photo by R Suresh Bhardwaj)

Deccan period painting at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan. 31, 2024. (Photo by R. Suresh Bhardwaj)

An undeciphered seal with inscription of Indus Valley civilisation at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan. 31, 2024. A one-horn bull can be seen on the seal, which was considered as unicorn, a holy animal. The riddle of unicorn still exists. (Photo by R Suresh Bhardwaj) 

Relics of Buddha at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan. 31, 2023. (Photo by R. Suresh Bhardwaj)  

Conjectural map of the Harappan city of Dholavira at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (Photo by R Suresh Bhardwaj)

Storage Jars which were being used in the Harappan civilisation kept at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (Photo by R Suresh Bhardwaj)

A sculpture at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (Photo by R Suresh Bhardwaj) 

A sculpture of Tredev—Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh, at the National Museum in Delhi on Jan 31, 2024. (Photo by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

Some of portraits at the Northeast gallery of the National Museum in Delhi on Jan. 31, 2024. (Photo by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

A journey of Indian Coins and Coinage through images (All photos clicked by R. Suresh Bhardwaj) 

Barter system 

Punching Technique 

Casting through moulds 

Due striking technique

Machine technique 

Mughal coins

East India company coins 

Coins of Independent India 

Some of the clicks when I visited the Delhi’s National Museum 

Mood - Cherished 😍😍

Even Nitish failed to read Lalu's mind

       Without any scion of the party, Nitish Kumar had a chance to make the Janata Dal (United) dominant in the state of Bihar, and set an example for the regional parties that one-leader-party can also survive for long, but he lost the opportunity to do so due to his practice of switching sides since he broke ties with the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2013. 

Photo credit- Lalu Prasad Yadav Twitter 

       He joined the ‘mahagathbandhan’, an alliance formed by the regional parties in Bihar just before the 2014 general election, but the parties which were in coalition were blown out in the storm by the Bharatiya Janata Party under the leadership of then Gujarat Chief Minister and Hindutva leader Narendra Modi who later claimed the throne of Delhi. 

       Although the election was a nightmare for the JD(U), but he proved, only in one year, that his decision was not wrong and managed to win 71 seats in the 2015 Bihar assembly election. He again became the chief minister of the state. In 2017, he flipped his side again and joined the NDA bloc, but he never compromised with the post of chief minister. For the third time, he switched his side, joined the grand alliance and also became chief minister of the state even after having a lesser number of seats than the RJD.

        He always appeared victorious in getting chief ministerial post. In doing so, he had been unaware of the fact what politics was being played by other political groups in the state. By accepting his proposals to be the chief minister of the state, the RJD had been attempting to thieve the support base of his party. RJD chief Lalu Prasad Yadav never denied his proposition and had been making deal conferring the deputy CM post for his son Tejashwi Yadav. 

        The game Lalu played is rarely seen in politics. Lalu Prasad Yadav knew that my son was still learning the initial lesson of politics. He has long miles ahead to go. Hence, he concurred with the Nitish’s offers. 

      Belonging to an agricultural family, Lalu knows how waiting is fruitful in farming. He applied this theory to politics for the benefit of his son. 

      Lalu is not anonymous in politics. Born on June 11, 1948, he earned fame as a politician who talked to the supporters in layman's language and mixed humour with politics. He made his entry to every household by his unique style of speech and his hair. The Lalu style is still popular for those who cannot part their hair in villages. 

     In Parliament, MPs had been laughing at his way of speaking. But, in the blink of an eye, he became marginalised after his conviction in a corruption case. He lost his membership in the parliament and was prohibited from contesting elections following a Supreme Court order that disqualified politicians if they were convicted for a minimum of 2 years. 

       At the time of his conviction, it was assumed as the end of the 'Lalu dynasty' but he proved it wrong and made his party — Rashtriya Janata Dal — still alive. His son Tejashwi Yadav emerged as a shining face of the party.

All eyes on Nitish as political speculations fermented in Bihar

       With the day's end, the peepers’ wait could not meet the end. JD(U) chief and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar was silent. RJD legislative party meeting was completed. Senior BJP leaders had also held meetings, but nothing was concluded. It seemed the deal was still on the table. 

       Former Bihar deputy CM and BJP Rajya Sabha MP Sushil Kumar Modi said doors are not permanently closed in politics. Bihar BJP chief Samrat Chaudhary repeated the same. A day before the political storm brewed in the state, RJD Rajya Sabha MP Manoj Jha gave Nitish Kumar an ultimatum to end the speculation that no negotiation was being done. 

       The fate of the ‘mahagathbandhan’, a coalition of JD(U), RJD, Congress and CPI(ML), is in limbo, no one knows which move Nitish Kumar will make. Other parties of the coalition had fewer options because they stood 8-seat-behind majority in the assembly. 

        Nitish Kumar, who has been famous for switching sides, is still a crucial knot of the ‘mahagathbandhan’, who became the chief minister of Bihar even after having the less seats than the RJD. He made his entry to the national-level Opposition alliance INDIA with the hope to be a shining face of the coalition, but the Congress was sitting there in the driving seat. In meetings, discord arose which propelled him to cross over the grand alliance in Bihar just 2-3 months ahead of the general election. 

       Nitish Kumar knows the coalition he is part of will not benefit him in the Lok Sabha election that is expected to be held in April this year. He is aware of the fact that the long-awaited Ram Temple in Ayodhya has been consecrated which elevated the people’s elation in favour of the BJP. The rest has been broken into by the announcement of ‘Bharat Ratna’ for the former Bihar CM and a beacon of social justice, Karpoori Thakur in Bihar. 

       He is already informed what success his party achieved in the 2019 general election would not be repeated with the current coalitions. Being a 16-member parliamentary party is not easy as it seems, because one of the ‘mahagathbandhan’ associates, the RJD, has suffered an embarrassing defeat without opening its account. It was only the Congress among the alliance partners in Bihar, which managed to win one seat out of 40.

       Although the BJP has indicated that there is no real friend or enemy in politics, but it can’t be speculated yet what Nitish will do next? 

Karpoori Thakur who imprinted indelible mark on Bihar politics

         Belonging to a socially and economically backward family, called ‘hajjam’, also ‘nai’, it was impossible to get higher education in then caste-dominant society, but Karpoori Thakur did and became the chief minister of Bihar. 

Karpoori Thalir. Photo - Narendra Modi Twitter on Jan. 23, 2024.

         He gained fame as ‘jannayak’, people’s leader, and a beacon of social justice after implementing a 26 percent reservation for underprivileged classes in 1978 for the first time in the country, much earlier than the Mandal Commission recommendations were executed in the1990s. 

         On the eve of his 100th birth anniversary and a day after the consecration ceremony of Ayodhya’s Ram Temple, his name was announced for the highest civilian award ‘Bharat Ratna’ on January 23, 2024. 

          Born on January 24, 1924 in Bihar’s Samastipur in ‘hajjam’ family, Karpoori Thakur encountered the harsh truth of feudalism at an early age, when his father with him went to a feudalistic lord for financial help after he passed matriculation in the first class, but the rich man said keeping his feet on the table, “you had passed the matriculation? Massage my feet, in Hindi- ‘Pair Dabao”

        The ‘hajjam’ is a marginalised and disadvantageous caste in Bihar, whose members have been traditionally shaving beard and cutting hair only for a little paddy and wheat in the harvested season. 

        In a bid to spread education among the poor students, Thakur scrapped English as a compulsory subject when he had been the education minister in the state because many children could not pass the matriculation examination. He was a votary of the Hindi language and a protagonist of the underprivileged and marginalised class movement. 

         Due to this, the mark imprinted by him is still visible in the politics of Bihar even 36 years after his death. To woo the voters, political parties have been claiming over his legacy. Conferring him with the ‘Bharat Ratna’ is the latest bid in this row by the Bharatiya Janata Party ahead of the general election that is likely to be held in April this year. 

         The recently held caste-based survey entailed the real picture of backward classes in Bihar, which lie upon 63 percent. The social engineering deciphered by the JD (U) and the RJD, based on the dominant castes of Yadav, Kurmi, Kushwaha and Muslims makes the way difficult for the BJP when now the old alliance partner JD (U) is not with the party. 

         It is not the first time the BJP has faced this political puzzle. In the 1990s, when the Mandal Commission recommendations were put into effect, it propelled ‘kamandal’ that culminated in the ‘Rath Yatra’ led by Hindutva leader Lal Krishna Advani from Somnath to Ayodhya for the construction of Ram Temple at the place of the Babri Masjid. 

          It was a successful run for the saffron party that resulted in the governments formed in several states and the 1996 13-day government in the centre, which continued to the current central government led by Advani’s charioteer Narendra Modi for two consecutive terms. 

          Now when the Ram Temple in Ayodhya is constructed, in the hope of repeating the 1990s’ success and getting political mileage in Bihar, the BJP-led central government announced to confer Karpoori Thakur with Bharat Ratna, who was synonymous to social justice, after breaking into this caste affiliation of parties following caste survey. 

What traits make BJP different from others

        With the revocation of Article 370 that gave special status to Jammu and Kashmir, and the construction of Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has completed two out of the overemphasised and over-discussed three promises entailed in its manifesto. The third one — uniform civil code — is still waiting to be drafted even after the party has completed 9 years in the centre with full majority. 

BJP rally in Tirupur, Tamil Nadu. Photo- BJP twitter

         Following the January 22’s consecration of the temple, the party will be busy for the next general election that is expected to be held in April this year. A favourable result for the party will decide the fate of the UCC. What achievement attained by the party in the recent times is not out of the frame. Can it be guessed what traits make the BJP different from any other parties in India? 

Is it a disciplined cadre? 

         Shaped and prepared by the RSS, numbers of devoted workers have been ready to participate in the BJP’s activities including protest, ‘gherao’, march and newly-invented IT cell. They always follow the party’s guidelines and instructions without raising any questions because of their allegiance to the ‘Hindutva’, an ideology drafted and propagated by the RSS. For them, the party’s decision is everything whether it is suitable for a specific period of time or not. It is said that senior BJP leader Atal Bihari Vajpayee had been opposing the Advani’s Rath Yatra in 1990, but he was the first to flag off the ‘Yatra’ after the party nodded for it in the executive meeting. 

         Recently, it is also witnessed how the supreme leaders have been peacefully replaced in the states and workers have been raising their hands in support of the decisions taken by the governments and the party. 

Is it a support of RSS?

        Founded in 1925, the RSS has been working for the unification and well-being of Hindus, and also giving training to its workers for this purpose. (Hindus are used for those who live on the land of Bharat despite of the dissimilarity in their way of worshipping. It does not refer to religious Hindu.)

         The workers who have been trained for the sake of RSS activities are known as ‘swayamsewaks’ whose motto is ‘apna khao, aur desh aur society ke liye kaam karo’. (Earn for your livelihood, but work for the country and society.) This motto makes the workers selfless and devoted to the society. 

         These workers are trained at the organisation’s initial and smallest unit what idly is called ‘shakha’. As per a report, more than 50,000 daily ‘shakhas’ and above 10000 weekly ‘milan’ (meeting) for professionals are being run. Approximately 6 to 7 lakh people attend the daily ‘shakhas’. They have been giving unconditional support to the BJP.

Is it the idea of Hindutva? 

        The word ‘Hindutva’ is sometimes used as synonymous to Hinduism, but it is totally different to its literal meaning, and used to rise the political consciousness among Hindus.

        The RSS do not use the word ‘Hindu’ in the context of a worshiping deity or as a religion. Hindus have a ‘view of life’ and a ‘way of life’. A judgement delivered by the Supreme Court is always quoted—Hinduism is not a religion but a way of life. 

         It is ‘Hindutva’ that works as a pool between the RSS and the BJP.

Is it the presence of internal democracy?

         Having a deep philosophy, a great cadre and devoted comrades, the Bharatiya Janata Party has reached there, which is still a dream for many parties. In only 40 years, the party has given two prime ministers to the nation and several chief ministers to the states. Its leaders believe that what the party has achieved today is happened due to the internal democracy. 

         Internal democracy is a crucial thing for any party to be flourished on the turf of electoral politics. Decision making process, appointment of office-bearers specially its president and the distribution of tickets for election affect the party affairs and the morale of the workers. In India, parties that attained the status of national party are either one-leader party or ‘vanshwadi’ party except some parties. 

Parties that lack internal democracy 

          Founded in 1984, most of the time, the Bahujan Samaj Party saw its presidents either Kanshi Ram or Mayawati. In only 12 years span of its history, the Aam Aadmi Party also did the same that was never expected because of its founding nature which included no religious sentiments, no caste inclination and the absence of left-right binary. Although the party has been discussing about the internal democracy, but it assumed the power, Arvind Kejriwal became supreme of all activities. Yogendra Yadav, Prashant Bhushan, Anand Kumar like leaders have been sidelined that killed the spirit of internal democracy. Several leaders of the party are behind the bars in corruption cases. It’s an irony for a party which origin is traced back to a corruption movement, today its leaders are imprisoned for corrupt practices. 

          Also, in the politburo of the Communist Party, many members are from the upper dominant castes and many of them have been holding the position for a long time. The Congress is in its worst state. There is no clarity in decision making. Its president is Mallikarjun Kharge, but Rahul Gandhi is leading the ‘Bharat Jodo Yatra’. 

Internal democracy in practice 

         In comparison to the parties discussed above, the Bharatiya Janata Party has been successful in implementing its constitution. Its presidents have been chosen regularly for a specific period of time. Office-bearers are appointed on the basis of their capability and work. Choosing Mohan Yadav, Vishnu Dev Sai and Bhajan Lal Sharma as chief ministers respectively in Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan is frequent example of the party’s democratic functioning.

The fact which makes the BJP successful 

        It can be said that having a philosophy of ‘Hindutva’ to mobilise the mass, a disciplined cadre rinsed by the RSS, the internal democracy and the RSS-like mother organisation are the traits which make the Bharatiya Janata Party different and successful from any other political parties in India. 

Shakha: The seed of saffron family

      “RSS does nothing, but its ‘swayamsewak’ does everything,” an RSS volunteer said in a gossip during the distribution of ‘akshat’ to every household ahead of the ‘pran pratishtha’ ceremony of Ayodhya’s Ram Temple.

Photo - RSS website

         The volunteers (swayamsewaks), who were participating in this nation-wide distribution programme, were part of the RSS’s associate organisations, viz., Durga Raksha Vahini, Rashtriya Sevika Samiti, Vishva Hindu Parishad and Bajrang Dal. They were trained, what it is called in the organisation’s language—‘sanskarisation’, in the ‘shakha’ and camps organised by the RSS. 

        ‘Shakha’ is the smallest and initial unit of the RSS, where a man’s personality is shaped for the nation building in a collective environment, as its volunteers believe in a ‘mantra’ of ‘vyakti nirman se rashtra nirman’ because they get an opportunity to lead, organise and manage small events and programmes that is a practical lesson of event management.

        As it is explained in the book ‘The Brotherhood in Saffron’ that the ‘shakhas’ offer unifying experience for the participants, providing them with a similarity in speech and outlook. It was also observed by the writer Walter Anderson and his team during survey that members of all castes are welcomed into the RSS and are treated as equals if they conform to behavioural standards considered proper by RSS leaders. 

        This unique feature makes the RSS still alive since 1925 when it was founded, even after the organisation faced two bans—the first in 1948 when Mahatma Gandhi was assassinated, and the second in 1975-1977 when the national emergency was declared. 

        When the ban was lifted, it was found that the RSS emerged more popular and stronger than as it was before its bans. It was the time in 1977 when the 21-month period of emergency ended, the opposition political parties under the umbrella of the Janata Party, fought together against the Congress and appeared as winner in the general election. A new non-Congress government was formed under the leadership of Morarji Desai. 

       The Bharatiya Jana Sangh was the part of the Janata Party government. Jana Sangh leaders were included in the national cabinet and served as chief ministers in several states. Never before had the RSS worked so closely with such a broad range of groups, many of which demanded restrictions on its activities. 

        In a span of 3 years, the Janata Party lost the elections in 1980. The Congress again came to the power. The Janata coalition split and its leaders demanded to prohibit elected Jana Sangh officials from participating in the RSS. By this political happenings, the Bharatiya Janata Party was formed in 1980, that allowed its leaders to participate in the RSS and also ‘pracharaks’ to give their contributions to the party to broaden its base. 

         These ‘pracharaks’ are no one but full-time members who are trained by the RSS through a well-designed camps called ‘prathamik’, ‘pratham varsh’, ‘dwitiya varsh’ and ‘tritiya varsh’ referring to the trainings at various stages. They serve several distinctive posts of the organisation and the government formed by the BJP in the centre and states. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Madhya Pradesh CM Mohan Yadav, Defence and Home Minster Rajnath Singh and Amit Singh are some frequent names among them. 

        What the above milestone the BJP and the Sangh achieved in only 40 years became possible only by the same training, the same ‘sanskar’, and the same ideology propagated by RSS thinkers and senior ‘pracharaks’ in the ‘shakha’, the initial and smallest unit of the Sangh, enriched by several teachings offered to ‘swayamsewaks’. 

        ‘Swayamsewaks’ here go through the same process—standing in queues before the saffron flag to pray, exercise and take ‘mantra’ for the society well-being—that gives them an aura of doing something better with a teaching of the ‘unification’ of Hindus. 

         Its leaders believe that one day, a ‘seed’ following the many-year process of ‘sanskarisation’ blossoms in a same way as a former left-leaning JNU student leader and currently Congress member, who has also fought an election in Bihar on a CPI ticket, satirically said to me that today the RSS has reached there where the government is unable to provide even electricity.